Women’s Gender Role Identity and Hallyu Acceptance in Myanmar

Introduction

Hallyu (Korean Wave), referring to the transnational popularity of South Korean (hereafter Korean) television dramas, movies, music, and pop culture, has developed into a global phenomenon. It started in China in the 1990s before advancing across the rest of Asia in the 2000s. The rapid rise and enthusiastic reception of Hallyu in Asian countries has led many researchers and policymakers to question why Hallyu has become so popular in Asia. Many studies have sought to find an answer to this question based on the notion of cultural proximity, which justifies the appeal of Hallyu in Asia to its “Asian-ness,” specifically, similarities in physical appearance and a common emphasis on traditional Asian values and Confucian ethics such as harmony, community, strong morality, respect for seniors, familism, loyalty, and emphasis on education (Hogarth, 2013; Yang, 2012). The basis of this explanation rests largely on the tendency of individuals to accept cultural products that share a commonality with their own values, feelings, and experiences (Huat, 2004).

More recently, with Hallyu evolving into a global trend, notions of globalization and cultural hybridization have been put forth as new frameworks through which its global popularity may be explained (Jung, 2009; Lee, 2005; Lee, 2011; Shim, 2006). In particular, proponents of cultural hybridization depict Hallyu as a hybrid subculture because of its ability to interweave tradition and modernity as well as global and local culture, along with Western and non-Western cultural materials. With the widespread use of the internet and social media, the hybridity of Hallyu products has been considered one of the main features responsible for the popularity of Korean popular culture in Asia and other parts of the world (Jin, 2018; Ko, No, Kim, & Simões, 2014).

Alternatively, a number of studies have also examined the popularity of Hallyu through the lens of gender. Focusing on the dominant female participation in and consumption of the Hallyu movement in Asia, the prevailing model used has been a hybrid construction of “soft masculinity” in Hallyu, combining traditional masculinity with femininity and metro-sexuality (Jung, 2011). For example, Creighton (2016) has justified the success and popularity of Hallyu in Japan based on the appeal of male Korean stars’ soft masculinity to middle-aged Japanese women dissatisfied with hegemonic gender relations. Jung and Hirata (2012) have also explained the popularity of K-pop idol groups among young Japanese women as an expression of their desire to transgress traditional sexual boundaries. In the more authoritarian context of Malaysia, soft masculinity in Hallyu has been viewed as a significant factor influencing, not only its popularity, but also modern conceptions of masculinity (Ainslie, 2017). While emphasizing the transcultural dynamics in Hallyu, these findings have provided support for the proposition that gender, or specifically gender role identity, is an important factor in elucidating acceptance of Hallyu. Currently, however, there has been little research that has addressed the possible association between perceived gender roles, representation of females in Hallyu products, and Hallyu acceptance. In addition, few studies have engaged in gendered discourse of Hallyu in the context of specific target countries, regions, or individuals, with the existing literature mainly focused on Japan and China.

In most, if not all, countries, Hallyu fans are more likely to be women than men (Oh, 2009). Myanmar is no exception. Since the airing of the first Korean TV drama in the late 2000s, Myanmar has emerged as the latest Asian country to be swept up in the phenomenon of Hallyu. With many young women fascinated with Korean TV dramas and K-pop idols, Korean cultural products have extensively penetrated Myanmar society (Pandita, 2017). Hallyu fever in Myanmar is particularly visible in Yangon, the country’s biggest commercial city and most socially advanced center, where K-pop concerts and Hallyu-related events are frequently held (Pandita, 2017).

What is it, then, that attracts Myanmar women to Hallyu? To resolve this question with a focus on the role of gender role identity, this study explores how gender roles are perceived by young Myanmar women and whether this affects their perception of Korean women’s gender role images (KWGRI) portrayed in Hallyu contents, which consequently influences their fondness for and consumption of them. By exploring the potential social and psychological influence of women’s gender role identity, this study aims to further extend and develop gendered discourses on Hallyu and thus bridge theoretical and practical gaps in the existing Hallyu acceptance model.

Theoretical Framework: Concepts, Assumptions, and Theories Behind the Study

Methods

Development of Survey Questionnaire.

The survey questionnaire was designed and developed to assess gender role identity as well as fondness for and consumption of Hallyu products, as explained below.

Assessment of gender role identity. Gender role identity among Myanmar women was assessed using the Korean Gender Role Identity Inventory (KGRI) (Lee, Kim, & Koh, 2002), an adaption of the Bem Sex-Role Inventory to correspond to the Korean cultural context. Despite the possible risk of translation bias and methodological problems, this study employed the KGRI as a tool to measure femininity and masculinity among Myanmar women based on the assumption that cultural definitions of masculinity and femininity in Myanmar were more similar to those in Korea than in Western countries.

From the original 45 items of the KGRI, 30 items measuring the degree of femininity and masculinity (excluding items related to social desirability) were selected for use in this study. Selected items are shown in Table 1. Furthermore, to assess how Myanmar women perceive KWGRI demonstrated in Hallyu products, these items were modified and provided to the survey respondents to evaluate the extent to which each item applied to the Korean women portrayed in Hallyu products, such as “Korean women show leadership.” As a result, the survey questionnaire regarding gender role perception consisted of a total of 60 items.

Table 1

Thirty Items in the KGRI

Assessment of Hallyu acceptance based on fondness and consumption. A behavioral questionnaire consisting of a total of 12 items was constructed by the researchers to measure the respondents’ fondness for and consumption of different types of Hallyu products, including Korean TV dramas, movies, pop songs, fashion, food, and cosmetics (as shown in Table 2). The Cronbach’s value for the survey items related to fondness for and consumption of Hallyu were .82 and .85, respectively, indicating that the items for each variable have relatively high internal consistency.

Table 2

Twelve Items in a Behavioral Questionnaire to Measure Fondness for and Consumption of Hallyu Products

Results

Participant Characteristics

A total of 262 Myanmar women participated in the survey (Table 3). All respondents were female, aged between 17 and 46 with an average age of 25. Although 73 out of 262 women (28.7%) were outside the target age range (20–40), their survey data were included in the analysis for data richness. Among the women, an overwhelming majority were between 17 and 30 (89.4%), unmarried (75.6%) and worked at Korean-owned garment factories with at least 1000 employees (78.8%). More than half of the women had lived in Yangon for more than five years (57.4%), worked in their current job more than three years (53.9%), and were skilled workers (66.9%).

Table 3

Demographic Profile of Survey Respondents

The survey results confirmed the rising popularity and substantial consumption of Hallyu products among young Myanmar women. The most noticeable observation was that the respondents’ interest in and consumption of Hallyu products was not limited to one or two product types but extended to various forms including K-food, K-pop, and K-cosmetics (Table 4).

Table 4

Fondness and Consumption by Type of Hallyu Products (%)

Cross Tabulation of Myanmar Women’s Gender Role Identity Distribution and KWGRI Distribution

A cross tabulation was performed to assess gender role identity among the survey respondents. The respondents were divided into four groups based on the medians of their masculinity and femininity scores. Those who scored above average on either side of the median were classified as either masculine or feminine types; those who scored above average on both as androgynous types; and those who scored below average on both as undifferentiated types. As observed and expected counts were compared, the results showed that the Myanmar women in this study were more likely to be androgynous and undifferentiated types rather than masculine and feminine types (Table 5). In these results, the Pearson chi-square statistic was 6.94, which was significant at p < .01.

Table 5

Distribution of Myanmar Women’s Gender Role Identity and KWGRI

A cross tabulation was also performed to investigate the respondents’ perception of Korean women portrayed in Hallyu products. Thus, Korean women’s representation in Hallyu products was also divided into four groups based on the medians of masculinity and femininity scores. The results found a statistically significant relationship, showing that many Myanmar women perceived Korean women represented in Hallyu products to be androgynous and undifferentiated types rather than masculine and feminine types (Table 5). In these results, the Pearson chi-square statistic was 41.34, which was significant at p < .001.

Cross Tabulation of Perceived KWGRI and the Respondents’ Fondness for Hallyu Products

A cross tabulation was performed to determine whether the gender role identity among Myanmar women was related to their fondness of Hallyu products. The results indicated that respondents who were categorized as androgynous were more likely to show a high level of fondness for Hallyu products. Conversely, those who were categorized as undifferentiated types were more likely to have a low level of fondness for Hallyu products (Table 6). In these results, the Pearson chi-square statistic was 9.42, which was significant at p < .05.

Table 6

Cross Tabulation of Myanmar Women’s Gender Role Identity, KWGRI and Fondness for Hallyu Products

Similarly, with regard to the correlation between the respondents’ perception of Hallyu representations of Korean women and their fondness for Hallyu products, the results of the cross tabulation found a statistically significant relationship as the respondents who perceived Korean women to be androgynous were more likely to exhibit a high level of fondness for Hallyu products. In contrast, the respondents who perceived Korean women to be undifferentiated were more likely to display a low level of fondness for Hallyu products (Table 6). In these results, the Pearson chi-square statistic was 16.39, which was significant at p < .001.

ANOVA and Duncan’s Multiple Range Test of Group Differences in Hallyu Acceptance by Product Type

ANOVA tested the effects of Myanmar women’s gender role identities and KWGRI on Hallyu acceptance by product type. Hallyu acceptance was measured by combining the scores for fondness for and consumption of Hallyu products. Significant ANOVA effects were followed by Duncan’s multiple range tests to identify the source of the differences.

In the ANOVA results (Table 7), Hallyu acceptance among Myanmar women was most evident in K-drama, K-movies, and K-cosmetics. For K-drama and K-movies, the mean scores of acceptance were highest among the “androgynous” and “masculine” groups in Duncan’s multiple range tests. In contrast, the mean score of K-cosmetics acceptance was highest among the “feminine” group.

Table 7

ANOVA and Duncan’s Multiple Range Tests of Group Differences in Hallyu Acceptance by Product Type

In addition, Myanmar women’s perceived KWGRI was also closely related to the preferred types of Hallyu products. For K-drama and K-fashion, the mean scores of acceptance were highest among those who perceived KWGRI as “feminine” and “androgynous” in Duncan’s multiple range tests. Similarly, the mean scores of acceptance for K-food and K-cosmetics were highest among the women who perceived KWGRI as “feminine.” Finally, for K-pop, the mean score of acceptance was highest among those who perceived KWGRI as “androgynous.”

Cross Tabulation of Myanmar Women’s Gender Role Identity and Perceived KWGRI Represented in Hallyu Contents

Another cross tabulation was conducted to investigate the correlation between Myanmar women’s gender role identity and their perception of Korean women’s representation in Hallyu contents. Results showed that the Myanmar women categorized as androgynous types were more likely to perceive Korean women represented in Hallyu contents as androgynous, while those categorized as undifferentiated were more likely to perceive Korean women as undifferentiated types (Table 8). In addition, Myanmar women tended to evaluate KWGRI in Hallyu contents as more androgynous (41.1%) than they perceived themselves (31.6%) and more Myanmar women were categorized as masculine (22.6%) than those that evaluated KWGRI as masculine (15.9%). In these results, the Pearson chi-square statistic was 20.53, which was significant at p < .05.

Table 8

Cross Tabulation of Myanmar Women’s Gender Role Identity and KWGRI

Discussion and Conclusion

The empirical findings support the research proposition that women’s gender role perceptions influence Myanmar women’s attitudes and behaviors related to Hallyu. Major findings from the analysis were as follows.

First, consistent with the findings in Bem’s study (1974), the prevalence of androgynous women in Myanmar was identified. In this study, more than one-third (31.6%) of Myanmar women were categorized as “androgynous” types, while even more women (41.1%) perceived KWGRI as androgynous. The prevalence of androgynous women in this study, although relatively lower, is consistent with previous studies on other Asian female populations, in which more than one-third of Chinese university students (35.2%) and Korean women aged 20 and above (36.5%) were associated with androgyny (Huang et al. 2012; Kim, 2009). These findings therefore support the implication that women’s roles in Myanmar have altered in the course of modernization, leading to diversification in the ideal gender role type.

Second, gender role identity was an important factor in explaining the level of Hallyu acceptance among Myanmar women. In this study, androgynous women showed the highest level of fondness for Hallyu products, followed by masculine women. These findings reinforce observed characteristics of androgynous people in their adaptability to foreign cultures (Martin & Halverson, 1981), while confirming the positive correlation of the modern and androgynous image of Korean women and fondness for Hallyu products among Asian women (Hogarth, 2013). Interestingly, however, it was also found that masculine gender role identity among Myanmar women was also closely associated with fondness for Hallyu products. More Myanmar women were categorized as masculine (22.6%) than evaluated KWGRI as masculine (15.9%); this figure is also higher than for masculine- associated groups among Chinese university students (15.3%) and Korean women aged 20 and above (16.1%) in the studies mentioned above (Huang et al., 2012; Kim, 2009). It is possible that, regardless of the higher level of Hallyu acceptance among androgynous women found in this study, some personality traits that are traditionally masculine, such as being confident, brave, and adventurous, may have particular influence on the acceptance of foreign culture, providing a plausible explanation of the widespread acceptance of Hallyu among Myanmar women.

Third, the gender role identity of Myanmar women was found to have a significant influence on their perception of KWGRI, while both were important determinants of the level of Hallyu acceptance among Myanmar women. In this study, androgynous Myanmar women tended to perceive KWGRI as androgynous while undifferentiated Myanmar women were more likely to perceive KWGRI as undifferentiated. At the same time, Myanmar women who perceived KWGRI as androgynous were most favorable toward Hallyu, while those who perceived KWGRI as undifferentiated tended to be less favorable. These findings support the proposition that, in addition to product images, self-image plays an influential role in understanding the acceptance of Hallyu products among Myanmar women, as suggested by Sirgy (1982) in his self-congruity theory.

Finally, both Myanmar women’s gender role identities and KWGRI represented in Hallyu appear to have an influence on the women’s preferred types of Hallyu products. In this study, Myanmar women of “androgynous” and “masculine” types were closely associated with a high level of acceptance of K-dramas and K-movies while those of the “feminine” type showed a higher level of acceptance of K-cosmetics. In addition, “androgynous” KWGRI was positively associated with Myanmar women’s acceptance of K-pop while “feminine” KWGRI seemed to enhance the women’s acceptance of K-food and K-cosmetics. It appears that traditional concepts of feminine identities, such as “love beautiful things” and “enjoy cooking,” may still hold some influence on psychological acceptance of particular types of cultural products (e.g., food and cosmetics) among Myanmar women. In addition, the theory of Hallyu development explains that fondness for and consumption of Korean products subsequently leads to a wider reception and use of a variety of Korean products (Kim, 2015).

In conclusion, these results can be interpreted as evidence of the positive impact of androgynous gender roles on Hallyu acceptance among Myanmar women as well as confirmation of the important role of gender in elucidating acceptance of Hallyu among global audiences. By showing the correlation between gender role identity, representation of females in Hallyu contents, and Hallyu acceptance, the findings of this study make an important contribution to literature in different areas. While they extend the body of knowledge available on gender role identity, the findings also stimulate a broader gendered discourse of Hallyu by providing useful insights into the influence of gender role identity on one’s perceptions and behaviors related to the consumption and acceptance of Hallyu in a new context beyond China and Japan––Myanmar. More importantly, they provide important insights on an under-researched population––female garment workers in developing countries–– who are at the forefront of issues related to modernization and women’s gender role identity.

Amid growing concerns over the future of Hallyu, findings from this study provide useful information on how Hallyu can build long-term relationships with their international consumers. Hallyu represents a symbol of modernization in rapidly changing developing countries, exhibiting modern urban life as a new consumption model (Ainslie, 2016). Thus, an increased understanding of the attitudinal and behavioral changes of women in developing countries during the transition phase of modernization offers important implications to the Korean government and NGOs in policy formation (Karim, 2014). For instance, understanding the meaning of negotiations concerning women’s gender role identity and cultural hybridization in Hallyu content will widen cultural understanding of Korea across the world as well as trends related to inbound tourists (Huh & Wu, 2017). Furthermore, a cultural understanding of women working at garment factories in Myanmar can be useful for research that may be conducted by Korean clothing companies intending to enter the Myanmar market. This will also assist Korean garment companies, as leading investors in the Yangon garment industry, to create an improved corporate culture based on an understanding of diversified gender role identities among the majority of their employees.

Although this study does provide some valuable insights, its limitations warrant comment. As the study used a convenient sample of young Myanmar women working at Korean garment factories, rather than a random sample, findings cannot be generalized to other populations or conditions. For this reason, further study is required to define the parameters of the Hallyu phenomenon in Myanmar or other contexts. Future research could extend the scope of research to various women’s occupations and different cultures within Myanmar, as well as other countries that are at different stages of modernization. In addition, the use of qualitative methods may be advantageous to examine the multifactorial construct of gender identity in Myanmar’s rapidly changing society and its impact on Hallyu acceptance (Palan, 2001).

Acknowledgments

This work was supported by the Laboratory Program for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2015-LAB-2250004).

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