Brofenbrenner (1993) defines human development ecology as:

the scientific study of the progressive, mutual accommodation, throughout the life course, between active, growing, highly complex biopsychological organisms and the changing properties of the immediate settings in which the developing person lives, as the process is affected by the relations between these settings, and by the larger contexts in which the settings are embedded. (p. 7)

In other words, a person’s behavior is a function of the interaction of the person’s traits and abilities with the environment (Klein & White, 2004).

Bronfenbrenner (1993) posits five levels of environmental systems: micro-, meso-, exo-, macro- and chrono-systems. The microsystem is a pattern of activities, roles, and interpersonal relations experienced by the developing person in a given face-to-face setting. Particular physical, social, and symbolic features of the developing person are sustained in their activities, and progressively interact with the immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1993).

The next nested structure, the mesosystem, is comprised of the linkages and processes taking place between two or more micro settings containing the developing person. The exosystem is comprised of the linkages and processes taking place between two or more external settings. At least one of those settings does not contain the developing person. Although events occur in the setting where the person is not included, the events indirectly influence the person’s life (Bronfenbrenner, 1993).

The macrosystem consists of the overarching pattern of the micro-, meso-, and exosystems. The macrosystem is embedded in a given culture, subculture, or other extended social structure. The given culture can be represented by belief systems, resources, hazards, lifestyles, opportunity structures, life course options, and patterns of social interchange (Bronfenbrenner, 1993).

Lastly, the chronosystem consists of those patterns that influence developmental change over time (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). There are two types of transitional events in the chronosystem: normative and non-normative events. Normative events are characterized as events that are universal and take place in an orderly procession in people’s lives (e.g., starting school, puberty, entering the job market, starting a family, and retirement). Non-normative events tend to be more stressful than normative events because they are unexpected events (e.g., death of a family member, illness or disability, divorce, job loss, moving, or winning the sweepstakes) (Bronfenbrenner, 1986).

The ecological framework provides four fundamental ideas about marriage; (a) that marriages are interpersonal systems; (b) that spouses’ personality shapes their individual and collective efforts to maintain a successful marriage; (c) that marriage relationships are dynamic so that they change in context and evolve over time; and (d) that marital unions are embedded in a social context (Huston, 2000). In examining marital success and stability, Johnson (1999) asserted that the decisions spouses make to stay married or divorce reflect (a) the extent to which the spouses want to stay in marriage (i.e., personal commitment), (b) the extent to which they feel they are obligated to stay (i.e., moral commitment), and (c) the degree to which they think they have to stay (i.e., structural commitment). Personal commitment is influenced by the quality of the spousal relationships, how much time spouses spend together, and whether they pursue other relationships that might compete with the marriage. Moral commitment is rooted in a person’s value system and personality. Structural commitment is related to factors outside of the individual, such as financial concerns, negative social sanctions, or lack of opportunity to form competing relationships.

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model is useful in studying violence against women. Heise, Ellsberg, and Gottemoeller (1999) used the ecological framework (see Figure 1) to explain and integrate the origins of gender-based violence. They posited four sub-systems in their work: society, community, relationship, and individual.

Figure 1  
Ecological Model (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 1999, adapted from Heise, 1998)

According to this model, at the outermost circle, the society reflects the general views and attitudes that permeate the culture at large. At the societal level, male entitlement/ownership of women, masculine aggression and dominance, rigid gender roles, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and acceptance of physical chastisement are important factors that predict violence against women (Heise et al., 1999). The community level represents the institutions and social structures of the workplace, neighborhood, social networks, and identity groups. In the community, women’s low socioeconomic status and isolation from families, and men’s delinquent peer associations are linked to violence against women (Heise et al., 1999). The relationship level represents the immediate context in which abuse takes place (Heise, 1998). Male dominance in the family, male control of decision-making, and marital conflict are strong predictors of partner abuse (Heise et al., 1999). Lastly, the individual level, the innermost circle, represents the biological and personal history that each individual brings to the relationship, including gender identity, witnessing marital violence as a child, being abused as a child, the experience of an absent or rejecting father, and husbands’ use of alcohol (Heise et al., 1999).

A weakness of ecological theory is that it is so broad that every element is integrated--from the individual level to the societal level-- (Lamanna & Riedmann, 2009). Because of this broadness, it lacks prediction (Klein & White, 2004). Despite this critique, ecological theory sensitizes researchers to issues that may not be addressed in other theories, such as issues among minority families, and provides a foundation for the multi-directional policy development.

Symbolic interaction theory is one of the most popular family perspectives today, possibly because it accommodates an interest in the individual within the context of family (LaRossa & Reitzes, 1993). Symbolic interaction theory focuses on how human interaction occurs, as well as the extent to which those interactions are useful in understanding human behavior.

Klein and White (2004) divide symbolic interaction theory into four variations. First, there is the structural approach, which focuses on the concept of role. According to this perspective, social roles are learned and then enacted by people when they occupy positions in a social structure. One criticism of the structural approach is that it fosters the idea of the “oversocialized self” with little freedom to adapt to or change the environment.

The second variation is the interactional approach, which argues that the individual is “making” his/her role through interaction with others and his/her social context. This approach emphasizes the creative and problem-solving dimension of roles. A shortcoming of this perspective is that it ignores the constraints of the pre-existing social structure and its tenacity in maintaining the status quo.

The third perspective is the micro-interactional approach. It emphasizes the fluidity and contingency of roles. The self is relatively fluid and defined by the way in which the person frames or schematically understands the context and the rules.

The fourth perspective is the phenomenological approach. It focuses on the taken-for-granted dailiness of life and the ways in which the meanings of that taken-for-granted experience are maintained. This approach is most often used to examine partner abuse. Phenomenological symbolic interactionists assert that families are to be studied as social phenomena emerging out of the interactions of their socially situated members (Erickson, 2003). These theorists have studied the phenomenology of family violence, rather than the history of violence or the impact of personality characteristics (Erickson, 2003).

Symbolic interactionists conceptualize family violence as “a situated, interpersonal, emotional, and cognitive activity involving negative symbolic interaction between intimates” (Denzin, 1984, p. 483). The basic premises of family violence research anchored in the symbolic interaction perspective are that: (a) behavior always takes place within a situation; (b) actors construct their behavior based on their definition of this situation; and (c) all situations involve the self and at least one other identity (Denzin, 1984; Erickson, 2003).

Since social interaction focuses on self in relation to others and the social interchanges between individuals and groups (Eshleman, 2000), it is important to consider how the situation is defined. The definition of the situation has to do with the definition of reality and the perceived consequences. In other words, a situation takes its meaning from how it is defined (Thomas & Thomas, 1928, as cited in Klein & White, 2004). Therefore, situating violence is critical, as it provides the context within which people develop their personal interpretations of a violent event. In an interaction where a man is threatening a woman, it is the women’s definition of the situation, rather than the objective characteristics of reality, that matter. How she defines the situation is the key to understanding her actions and her responses within the context of the relationship (Lempert, 1995).

The symbolic interaction approach allows the researcher to analyze women’s identity negotiation and discourses as an inherently active self. This approach also demonstrates the importance of considering the intimate familial interactions within the dominant cultural context and institutionalized systems of power (Baker, 1997; Lempert, 1995).

The review of the literature suggests that the conditions associated with wife abuse are cultural, institutional, and relational. Symbolic interaction is a useful approach for examining Korean immigrant women’s view of themselves as women, and survivors of abuse within the family, society, and culture. The ecological framework is also useful for examining Korean immigrant women’s behavior, as a function of the interaction of their abilities and traits with the family, community, and cultures of the United States and Korea.

This study has drawn on the ecological framework and symbolic interaction theory to shape the theoretical framework for this study. According to Figure 2, which is an illustration of this author’s model, abused Korean immigrant women are products of multi-layered settings. They are also dynamic people who actively re-discover themselves within settings.

Figure 2  
Factors associated with Korean immigrant women’s experience of wife abuse and their adjustment after leaving abusive marital relationships

The box on the left lists factors that are associated with Korean immigrant women’s experience of abuse. At the societal level, a traditional patriarchal cultural norm that silently permits wife abuse and encourages rigid gender role contributes to partner abuse in Korean immigrant families. At the community level, immigration related-stress, such as the husband’s un/under employment, the lack of formal social services for Korean immigrant families, and women’s isolation from families of origin and society contribute to partner abuse. At the relationship level, marital discord, and obligation to the children escalate partner abuse. Finally, at the individual level, women’s lack of vocational skills, language barriers, unfamiliarity with the U.S. system, and the husband’s alcohol use are associated with partner abuse.

The box on the right illustrates factors that are associated with healthy adjustment after Korean immigrant women leave abusive marital relationships. At the societal level, awareness of the seriousness of partner abuse is associated with women’s well-adjustment. At the community level, formal services and institutions that are culturally sensitive to women’s needs are important for women’s adjustment. At the relationship level, a web of informal social support from family, friends, and neighbor is critical to Korean immigrant women’s adjustment. At the individual level, high self-esteem, self-mastery/control, and women’s employability or preparation for employment is critical for adjustment after leaving abusive relationships.

In the next section, marital abuse and post-divorce adjustment and women’s responses in each level is extensively examined.

Traditional Patriarchal Cultural Values Chinese Confucian cultural tradition has had a profound influence on Korean society (Min, 1998b). The traditional family in East Asia was patriarchal. Roles were clearly defined, with males, particularly the father and oldest son, having the dominant roles. Females, relegated to a subordinate position, were expected to please and obey their fathers and, if married, were subordinated to not only their husbands but also their husbands' parents (De Vos, 1984; Hsu, 1967; Kitano, 1985, as cited in Wong, 1998). Filial piety, respect, and obedience to parents and ancestors, was highly emphasized. Within this cultural context, Korean women have been socialized to be dependent and subservient to their spouses, and to see their sole purpose in life as caretaker for their spouse, children and parents-in-law. Harmony and unity in the home were to be maintained at all costs. Women were expected to make concessions and sacrifices (Yu, 1993). Women who failed in marriage were permanently deprived of the only legitimate role through which they could participate in the society. Given this cultural standpoint, Korean women had no alternative but to endure and suffer abuse.

Korean Immigrant Women’s Lives in the U.S. Korean immigrants bring traditional attitudes to their new homeland because they are a homogeneous group with a high level of ethnic attachment (Min, 1998b). At the same time, 70 percent of Korean American families in a study by Kim and Sung (2000) faced occupational and economic stress that was positively associated with language barriers, unfamiliarity with the culture, and social discrimination. Many Korean immigrants who come to the U.S. with relatively high socioeconomic status experience downward mobility initially (Kim & Sung, 2000). Given the male-dominated culture from which they come, Korean immigrant men often feel insecure and threatened when their deficiency in English and unfamiliarity with the American culture are exposed. They become defensive and resistant to change and adaptation.

Scholars who have examined wife abuse in cultural perspective view patriarchy as a major cause of violence within a family, especially husband to wife violence (Kim & Sung, 2000; Lee, 2006). Feminist theorists assert that patriarchal ideology buttresses much of a social structure that creates and maintains male domination over women (Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Schechter, 1982). Lee (2006) and Song (1996) reported that abused Korean American women stayed because they had no other choice, or because they were in unavoidable circumstances. Traditional values and the stigma associated with divorce also played an important role in Korean immigrant women’s decision to stay in an abusive marital relationship.

“Saving face” is a strong cultural value, and abused Korean immigrant women feel an obligation not to hurt the reputation of their family. They lack autonomy; they are dependent; they lack survival skills; and they feel incapable of striking out by themselves. Over a period of time, a syndrome similar to learned helplessness develops, and women give up trying to leave or change the situation (Kim, 1996).

Many immigrants face language barriers, lack social support systems, have inadequate employment, and experience prejudice and discrimination. The distress that these conditions create increases the risk of family conflict, including domestic violence (Sluzki, 1979; Yick, 2000). Kim and Sung (2000) found that 70 percent of the Korean American families in their sample experienced occupational and economic stress as a result of language barriers and social discrimination.

Many Korean immigrants who come to the United States have a relatively high socioeconomic status. Upon arrival, however, they experience downward mobility (Kim & Sung, 2000). Wife battering most commonly occurs in households in which husbands have difficulty adjusting to the new environment. These husbands experience high levels of stress associated with the discrepancy in their employment statuses before and after immigration (Rhee, 1997; Song, 1996). Korean women reported that the frequency and level of violent episodes escalated after immigration to America (Kim, 1996).

Nah (1993) found that Korean American men who battered their wives complained that the domestic violence laws in America were unfair. These men believed that domestic violence should be dealt with only by the family, and that government agencies have no business interfering in what they see as a private affair. In addition, Korean society informally sanctions wife abuse as just treatment for women’s wrongdoing. For this reason, it is not surprising that few community members are willing to help Korean women whose spouses mistreat them (Song, 1996). Yoshioka, Dinola, and Ullah (2001) examined attitudes toward marital violence among Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Cambodian adults living in the United States. Although Chinese and Korean adults were less likely than Vietnamese and Cambodian adults to endorse attitudes supporting male privilege and the use of violence, Koreans, especially males and the elderly, regarded domestic violence as a private matter.

Social support is defined as those contacts who provide emotional and instrumental support while enhancing self-esteem (Cobb, 1976) and who promote recovery from stress or crises (McKenry & Price, 2000). Social support is vital to women’s re-discovery of themselves. Women with strong social support are more likely to believe that they have control over their lives. When stress levels are high, social support assumes a major importance in enhancing divorced women's adjustment (Campbell, Sullivan, & Davidson, 1995; McKelvey & McKenry, 2000; Propst, Pardington, Ostrom, & Watkins, 1986; Thabes, 1997).

Isolation is an important factor in marital abuse among Asian immigrant families. For many women, isolation was one of the most painful and disempowering aspects of marital abuse in a foreign country. More than half of the Korean American women whom Kim (1996) interviewed were isolated from their family-of-origin and their friends, due to restrictions imposed on them by their husbands. The isolation stems from women’s fear of their legal status, their economic dependency, lack of proficiency in English, restricted mobility, and the lack of information about viable alternative choices. Isolation tactics are deliberately used by the husbands to increase power and control over the wife.

It is not easy for Korean immigrant women who experience partner abuse to seek outside help actively. Song (1996) found that the most common coping strategies battered Korean immigrant women used were to assume that time will solve the problem (42 percent); to keep the problem in the family (35 percent); to pray (27 percent); to consult friends and relatives (12 percent); and to seek professional help (5 percent). Rarely did battered Korean immigrant women use formal support services; 70 percent of the participants in Song’s study (1996) were unaware that such services existed.

Korean women in Lee’s (2006) study also used passive coping strategies wishing the situation would get better tomorrow because of limited formal/informal support and isolation in the U.S.

The generic stress of adjustment to American society makes intimate relationships difficult for most immigrants. Changing gender roles is a major cause of marital discord in Korean immigrant families (Nah, 1993). Wives who need to work outside of the home to increase their family income find jobs more quickly than their husbands (Min, 1998a), largely because they are more willing than husbands to take jobs beneath their educational status. Their employment makes them independent, which is inconsistent with traditional Korean values (Kim, 1996).

Theoretically Korean immigrant wives’ employment increases her marital power; however, this power depends on the cultural context of marital relations (Min, 1998b). Given that there is a tendency for Korean immigrants to concentrate in small family businesses, Korean immigrant women who work in these businesses are disadvantaged in power and status, as they are usually unpaid workers irrespective of their contribution to the family income (Min, 1998a).

Despite the change in Korean immigrant wives’ economic roles, husbands are unlikely to change their traditional gender role attitudes. Korean immigrant husbands have reported consistent fears of wives’ challenging their male dominance in families (Kim, 1996). According to Lim (1997), husbands whose wives leave full-time homemaking to join the labor force worry that their wives may bargain for new marital relations based on their newly derived earning power.

Wives’ employment and husbands’ traditional gender role expectations result in tremendous overwork for Korean immigrant women. The majority of Korean immigrant wives who work for pay or in the family business continue to do most of the housework and provide care for spouses, children, and extended family (Kim & Kim, 1995; Min, 1998a). Korean immigrant wives’ physical burnout, due to overwork and to adjustment problems in the labor force and the new western culture put tremendous strain on the marital relations.

Obligation to the children is another reason that women stay in abusive marital relationships. Many abused Asian women reported that they must tolerate the abuse “for the sake of my children” (Bauer, Rodriguez, Quiroga, & Flores-Ortiz, 2000; Lee, 2006). Because children’s education and social mobility are the primary motivation for many immigrants, children’s social and psychological well-being comes first. In addition, mothers feel an obligation to stay in the marriage until the children are married. This may be linked to a social bias against children of divorced parents. These children are seen as undesirable partners by other Korean Americans (Kim, 1996; Song, 1996).

Korean immigrant women in the U.S. have been characterized as passive individuals who are strongly attached to the family, their ethnic group, and traditional culture and whose destiny is controlled by other people and the conditions surrounding them. Kim (1996) studied domestic violence targeting Korean immigrant families in the U.S., and Walker (2000) studied battered women syndrome based on U.S. National Institute of Mental Health. Both scholars have asserted that a syndrome similar to learned helplessness, in which individuals who have been repeatedly traumatized come to believe that their own actions cannot protect them from adversity (Walker, 2000), has led Korean women to accept partner abuse (Kim, 1996).

Women in abusive marriages vary in their resilience and vulnerability. Many researchers (Aguilar & Nightingale, 1994; Cascardi & O’Leary, 1992; Perilla, Bakerman, & Norris, 1994) have found that abused women reported significantly lower self-esteem than non-abused women. However, the participants in Walker’s (2000) study of battered women rated themselves high on self-esteem. In a study comparing abused women to other women with serious relationship problems, Campbell (1989) found that both groups reported low self-esteem with no significant differences between the two groups. Campbell also suggested that low self-esteem was not a product of abuse per se, but a product of the problematic relationship in general.

There is general agreement among scholars that violent acts within families, such as assaults and fatal accidents, frequently involve heavy drinking (Kail & Cavanagh, 2004). Culturally, Asians are tolerant and permissive toward male drinking, while females seldom drink. According to Rhee (1997), alcohol-related battering is one of the most significant correlates of separation and divorce among Korean immigrant families. Husbands with drinking problems are likely to abuse their wives more frequently and seriously than those who have no problems with alcohol (Lee, 2006; Rhee, 1997; Song, 1996).

Societal/community Level Despite its prevalence, there is a lack of awareness about family violence in Korean immigrant communities in the United States. For this reason, prevention education programs that explain the nature and consequences of abuse are a necessity. In order to be effective, these programs must be bilingual, and the professionals must be sensitive to Korean culture. Because of the role Korean churches play in women’s lives, it is essential that some prevention education programs be housed in these institutions. It is also important that church leaders and social workers work together to address the concerns of marital abuse.

Negative attitudes that abused immigrant women encounter in the legal system and health care systems have kept them from seeking outside help (Abraham, 2000; Bauer et al., 2000). At the societal level, there is also a great need for legal and health services that are attentive to the seriousness of domestic violence in immigrant families. In order to advocate for the invisible victims who are likely to experience language barrier, low social class, and discrimination, it must be mandatory for the police, court, attorney, and health care providers to consider cultural context in dealing with their cases. It is hoped that this study contributes to build policy foundations and programs for the underrepresented immigrant abused women in the United States.

Given that Korea is second among nations in the use of the high-speed Internet (“U.S. Lags,” 2006), it is important that prevention education and support services develop websites in English and Korean to reach abused women. Most Korean immigrant women in the United States are unaware of services in the community. Those who are aware are often reluctant to contact services to ask for help. Those who are unable to visit an agency or who wish to remain anonymous would get information and referrals via the Internet. Abused women could also share their stories anonymously on websites. An Internet community for Korean women in the U.S. already exists and includes websites for Korean married women and divorced women (e.g., missyusa.com, mizville.com and gomissy.com). Social service agencies and support networks could build on this foundation.

In addition to prevention education, there is a need for emergency services, such as shelters for abused women and their children. Several of the women in this study remained in abusive relationships when they desperately wanted to leave because they were economically dependent and had nowhere else to go. There is a need for further policy developments considering the abused immigrant women who reside outside of large Korean immigrant communities, including transportation and distant assistance.

Relationship/individual level It would be empowering and helpful to involve the abused women through prevention and treatment programs. Some women (Lee, 2006) have expressed a desire to help others; their stories would give hope to others facing the problem of marital abuse. Programs at the relationship level, such as volunteer groups led by women with similar experience, empower women who are facing adversity. Such informal supports are powerful tools to improve self-worth and social development.