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Findings showed that the Singulate Mean Age at Marriage (SMAM) of Hoa women is similar to that of Kinh women and is not as high as in developed countries. SMAM of Vietnamese women in the recent census is 22.8 compared to 23.2 in 1989 (GSO, 2016). For the whole country, SMAM in urban areas is about two years higher than in rural areas. In 2016, SMAM was 28.3 for men and 24.7 for women in urban areas and 26.6 for men and 22.1 for women in rural areas, respectively (GSO, 2017). Our research in the Southwest region (see Table 1) showed that the SMAM of Hoa was 27.1 for men and 24.9 for women in urban areas; 25.3 for men and 22.0 for women in rural areas. In general, the findings were quite similar to the SMAM figures for the total population of Vietnam. However, the SMAM of Hoa women born during 1975–1984 was 26.1 in urban areas and 25.4 years in rural areas. It increased sharply compared to the previous cohort and declined to 22.6 in the next cohort. The SMAM of Hoa men in rural areas also increased sharply during 1975–1984, possibly due to the direct consequences of social upheavals and the changes in population and population structure, caused by the massive flows of Hoa international migration post-1975.

While the SMAM of Hoa women, both in rural and urban areas, is consistent with the normal patterns, the high single rate of Hoa women in Vietnam seems to be an abnormal phenomenon. According to the 1989 and 2009 censuses, the proportion of single Hoa women was higher than that of Kinh women and Hoa men (see Table 2). After 20 years, the higher proportion of single status among Hoa women compared to Kinh women still remained in place. In urban areas, the proportion of single Hoa women was 33.3% in the 30–34 age group and more than 26.1% in the older age groups. In rural areas, the proportion of single Hoa women was lower than in urban areas and dropped rapidly in older age groups.

Our surveys in the Southwest region showed similar results (see Table 3). Although the size of these samples was relatively small and did not represent the entire Hoa community in Vietnam, the results reconfirmed the macro patterns derived from the 1989 and 2009 censuses. In rural areas, Hoa women aged 25–29 had a high single rate (10/18), but only a few of those in the older age groups remained single. In contrast, Hoa women were more likely to be single in older age groups in urban areas. At the same time, very rarely were Kinh women aged 35–39 or higher in urban areas and in the Southwest region (SWR) single. In urban areas, Hoa men have a number of older adults who were single but at a much lower rate than Hoa women. In rural areas, the majority of Hoa men still single were from the 30–34 age group, but this dropped for the 35–39 age group, and almost all men in older age groups were married.

In short, the above results confirm the existence of a tendency among Hoa women in Vietnam to remain single, mainly in urban areas, but not simply because of the higher proportion of Hoa living in urban areas. This required looking for answers from other factors relevant to the Hoa community in Vietnam.

We found that the single Hoa women in our study were mostly middle-aged, had a lower-medium education level, worked in the household sector, and had no economic independence. In a comparison of the average number of years of schooling between single and married Hoa women (see Table 4), the results show that for those born before 1975, the education level was low and mostly unrelated to their marital status. For those born in the period 1975–1984, their education level increased, but married people had a higher education than those who were single. For those born in the period 1985–1994, the level of education was significantly improved. Pursuing further education after high school graduation can be a factor for the delayed marriage of the group of young women at 22–31 years old. However, since they are still young, they have opportunities to marry later and have not contributed much to the high single rate of Hoa women in the 2016 surveys.

In terms of job training, there is no significant difference between Hoa women and Kinh women. More importantly, most of the trained people were young Hoa women, with 13 out of 16 people born after 1985 at university and college level, while older single women had hardly ever done any training or had only trained at their workplace.

A prominent characteristic of Hoa people is their superiority in the trading sector based on the tradition of “father-son transmission.” The proportion of Hoa women in Le Binh Ward working in the trading and service sector is 61.4%, much higher than that of Kinh women (27.3%). With the exception of a small number of young women with high education levels and gainfully employed by companies, most Hoa women, especially older people, work for their families and live with their relatives. In general, in terms of the levels of education, occupation, and employment of the middle-aged, unmarried Hoa women are not significantly different from those of married Hoa women.

Our in-depth interviews show that most Hoa women born before the 1980s were in large families, less encouraged to study, and had older parents who were conservative and close-minded. They are the descendants of Hoa who migrated to Vietnam from Guangdong and Guangxi Provinces in Southeast China in the early twentieth century. The interviewed women were all born in Vietnam and had no relationship with their ancestors’ places of origin. They were given only a limited level of education, enough to read and write to help with household business, and to do housework. The work and life of nine women working in the household economic sector is quite similar: rare outside activities and daily activities are repeated day after day. Hoa women at home do housework, laundry, prepare food for the whole family, and look after children for their brothers and sisters. Hoa women who participate in the household economic activity start working early in the morning and finish in the late evening, then rest, eat, and entertain in the home. The living conditions and daily work of middle-aged Hoa women make them less likely to communicate with other people outside of the family.

The changes in population and population structure have a high correlation with the single status of women. The Hoa population in Vietnam has been declining steadily since 1975, mainly due to the wave of international migration from the community in the late 1980s and onwards (Amer, 2013; Thompson, 2003); late marriage ages, high unmarried rates, and low fertility rates (GSO, 1991); and Hoa choosing to identify ethnically as Kinh rather than Hoa as we found in field research¹. According to the population statistics prior to 1975, Vietnam had about 1,700,000 Hoa people (300,000 in the North and 1,400,000 in the South) (Chen, 1987). The Hoa population was 935,074 in 1979, decreasing to 900,185 in 1989, and 823,071 in 2009 (GSO, 1980, 1991, 2010).

The sudden large-scale drop in the Hoa population thus created difficulties for those wishing for an intra-ethnic marriage by reducing the number of available partners. In addition, Hoa normally left Vietnam either as a whole family, or a group would go first, and then a second group would follow after that. Men were usually the ones who left first. These types of migrations have altered the gender structure in some age groups, affecting the chances of getting married for the remaining single Hoa in Vietnam.

Comparing the single status of Hoa women with the corresponding sex ratio at the time of 1989, a clear correlation can be seen between the high rates of single Hoa women born before 1960 with a very low ratio of men to women in these cohorts (see Table 5). At the same time, the proportion of single Hoa men is also much lower than that of Hoa women in the same cohorts. The 1989 census showed that the number of Hoa men was considerably lower than Hoa women in cohorts born before 1965 but returned to equal in the cohort 1965–1974. Up to 1979—the peak of migration—the cohort is four to fourteen years old, so it is possible to assume that they were less likely to flee Vietnam by boat due to the high risk, thus leading to a balanced sex ratio for this cohort. Meanwhile, men born before 1965 were more likely to migrate, leading to a decline in men in the older cohorts.

After 20 years, the 2009 census reconfirmed the shortage of Hoa men in cohorts born before 1960, but with those born after this time, the opposite trend began. There were greater numbers of Hoa men than Hoa women in cohort 1960–1964, and even more so in cohort 1965–1974. It can be speculated that this reversal is due to the fact that more Hoa women than Hoa men in these cohorts migrated abroad during the intercensal period 1989–2009, mainly for marriage (GSO, 2011), but also as a result of the high ratio of males to females at birth, affected by patriarchal tradition. Amer (2013) argued that large-scale migration flows in previous periods have established Chinese overseas communities that have a family relationship with those remaining in Vietnam. This social network continued to promote the subsequent migration flows. In the 1990s, Vietnam’s policy of reform toward a market economy and diplomatic relations with developed capitalist countries opened a different way for Vietnamese women to marry Vietnamese men overseas as well as foreigners (Wang & Chang, 2002). Due to the lack of official data, it is difficult to assess how the migration flows for marriage of Hoa women in this period have affected the sex ratio of Hoa people in Vietnam.

Regardless of the reversal of sex ratio, the incidence of the single status of Hoa women in urban areas in cohort 1965–1974 (35–44 years in 2009) remained high, even higher than the corresponding age group in the previous 20 years. At the same time, the incidence of single status of Hoa men in urban areas in this age group was also higher than that of the same age group in 1989. Meanwhile, the proportion of single Hoa women in rural areas was much lower than in urban areas but still slightly higher than the proportion of single Hoa men in rural areas, despite the fact that the ratio of men to women for this cohort in rural areas is higher than in urban areas (see Table 2). These results help to reinforce the argument that, besides the demographic factors, there are other factors contributing to the high rates of single status among Hoa women in Vietnam.

Community cohesion to preserve cultural identity is expressed through mother tongues and intra-ethnic principles. Prior to 1975, the Hoa community of Cai Rang established a distinctive China town. They had their own graveyards, schools, religious institutions, and dominated economic bases in the locality. Significant socio-economic events after 1975, including large-scale migration, have disrupted the social structures and social networks of the Hoa community. In periods of economic hardship, Hoa actively “assimilated” themselves to the ethnic majority by renouncing their mother tongue and breaking the principle of intra-ethnic marriage, particularly by men. According to our 2016 survey, only 17.7% of Hoa people can proficiently use their native language, 51.5% of Hoa people barely know their mother language, and the rest do not know their mother language. The process of urbanization and dense co-residence with many Kinh has led to decreased cohesion of the Hoa community and the breakdown of the intra-ethnic marriage principle while promoting integration and inter-ethnic marriage with the Kinh people. Our 2016 survey also showed that inter-ethnic marriages accounted for 26.9% of married Hoa men and 16.3% of married Hoa women and occurred mainly in urban areas. Many children born from the above inter-ethnic marriages and even intra-ethnic marriages in Hoa families have been designated ethnically as Kinh by their parents.

Significant demographic and socio-economic changes after 1975 have resulted in the breakdown of community-based marriage matchmaking relations. Through interviews, we found that most Hoa women born before the reform era (1986) still retained the role of traditional women, responsible for caring for family members, cleaning the house, and supporting the family economy. Most of these women were born into large families and their parents are now old. In the past difficult economic period, they had to take care of younger siblings and do housework so that their parents could focus on making money. One common feature of these women is passivity in marriage. They passively seek out spouses because of their Confucian conceptions of dating relationships, even if they want to get married. Hoa women assume that dating and the decision to marry are determined by the initiative of men. Most of these Hoa women trade at Cai Rang market and their regular customers are also women. They spend most of the day at the market, while the rest of their time is spent on leisure and entertainment at home with family members. They have few opportunities to come into contact with men they are not related to. The marriages of their sisters in families with similar situations are often handled by a matchmaker and their parents. In the context of urban change and integration, a number of Hoa women could not find a desired husband, resulting in unwanted single status.

Population reduction and sex imbalance due to migration, as well as the historical tendency of Hoa men toward inter-ethnic marriage (Baulch et al, 2004; Chau, 1992; Nguyen, 2005; Nguyen, 2012; Tran, 1997), can be considered the dual cause of the position Hoa women find themselves in when seeking an intra-ethnic. Although Hoa women in our interviews wished for an intra-ethnic marriage, many expressed an interest in the economic condition of the potential husband and of the husband's family as a guarantee for their children and themselves when facing difficulties. Among ethnic groups in Vietnam, the Hoa are an ethnic minority but have high living standards (Baulch et al., 2004). In the locality, Hoa households are classified as households who possess assets and middle-income status and higher. Hoa men have the economic advantages of being able to marry either Hoa or Kinh women. However, the high rate of inter-ethnic marriage among Hoa men not only reduces Hoa women’s opportunities for an intra-ethnic marriage but also removes “quality” men from their choice of partners. The remaining men, including Kinh men, have lower socio-economic characteristics, discouraging Hoa women from getting married, and may increase the incidence of Hoa women’s unmarried status.

In summary, our study has tried to provide additional clarification to better understand the unmarried status of Hoa women in Vietnam. This was a transitory phenomenon that occurred mainly in urban areas under specific conditions of the Hoa in Vietnam after 1975. The cohorts born since the 1990s have witnessed significant changes in the post-reform era. Though the Hoa population is persistently decreasing due to low fertility rates, the high ratio of men to women at birth creates a reversed trend, thus providing more chances for Hoa women in the marriage pool. Still, we recognize that profound social and cultural changes and modern lifestyles in Cai Rang in the past decades have altered the attitudes and conceptions of marriage in the young generation of Hoa women.

In 1989, the single rate of Hoa women in the age group above 55 was only 4.1% compared to 3.0% of Hoa men (GSO, 1991), but after 20 years, these corresponding rates were 12.3% and 4.2% (GSO, unpublished census 2009). This indicates an increasing un-married rate of Hoa women aged 35–55 occurred during this period. Our 2016 case study in Cai Rang also showed that the single status of Hoa women born in 1955–1964 increased unusually compared to previous cohorts. This is the group of Hoa women who started reaching marriageable age in the first decade after 1975, the crucial period at which the overall Hoa population decreased suddenly, the ratio of men to women dropped, networks and traditional social structures related to marriage became disrupted, Hoa men entered into more inter-ethnic marriages, and economic difficulties for Hoa who remained in Vietnam occurred. The influence of patriarchal tradition on Hoa women is reflected not only in the constraints imposed by the expectation of an intra-ethnic marriage, but also in the filial piety toward their parents and sacrifice for their families. In the difficult economic years after 1975, Hoa women worked hard to support their parents and some lost marriage opportunities when they were young, despite their still wanting to find the right man to marry. Compared to Kinh women in the Southwest region, Hoa women have been more influenced by the patriarchal tradition regarding their choice of marriage. Kinh women have more freedom to marry Korean or Taiwanese men, without being judged by relatives and community. The combination of the above factors has led to unusually high rates of non-marriage among Hoa women entering the marriage age in more than a decade after 1975 in Vietnam.

Since the scale of our research is quite small and in the context of a lack of previous studies on the single status of Hoa women in Vietnam, our results should be further examined and verified by other case studies. Further studies should focus on the differences between the local contexts, where Hoa communities live, population structures, ethnic compositions, social networks, community cohesion, and the economic status of Hoa people, as well as their possible effects on the practice of marriage and the marriage choices of Hoa women.