Does Demand for Women in the Agricultural Labor Force Reduce the Practice of Chhaupadi? Empirical Evidence from Tikapur, Nepal

Description of Chhaupadi

Women from the mid-western and far-western regions of Nepal, regions that lag in terms of overall development and gender equality, are victimized by social rituals, norms, and traditions due to the general lack of literacy and awareness of their social and legal rights (Kadariya & Aro, 2015). One of the traditional practices especially practiced in these regions is “Chhaupadi,” which bans menstruating women from their houses and forces them to live in cattle sheds or makeshift dwellings known as menstruation huts. According to Joshi (2022), approximately 70%–80% of women practice or are forced to practice Chhaupadi in western Nepal. This is originally a Hindu¹ tradition, which relates to secretions associated with menstruation and childbirth (Kadariya & Aro, 2015; Stacke & Basu, 2017).

The term “Chhaupadi” is derived from local words used in the Raute dialect in the Achham district of Nepal, where “chhau” refers to menstruation and “padi” refers to women. The practice of Chhaupadi originates from the superstitious belief that menstruation causes women to be temporarily impure and they are therefore required to refrain from participating in normal daily activities (Kadariya & Aro, 2015).

Menstruating women and girls are isolated from their families and are forbidden from entering homes, kitchens, schools, and temples. The practice begins with the adolescent girl’s first menstrual cycle. During this time, she remains in a cattle shed or a makeshift dwelling made of mud and stones without windows or locks (Amgain, 2012) for up to 14 days. She will spend one week every month in the shed until she reaches menopause (Nepal Fertility Care Center, 2015).

The practice of Chhaupadi requires urgent public health attention, as it has several associated health impacts (Kadariya & Aro, 2015). Staying in an unhygienic shed during cold winters and hot summers (Kadariya & Aro, 2015) increases the likelihood of life-threatening health problems, such as diarrhea and dehydration, hypothermia, and reproductive and urinary tract infections (UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator’s Office, 2011). Women and girls also suffer from psychosocial problems, such as depression, low self-esteem, and disempowerment (Amatya et al., 2018). Their lives are constantly at risk due to fear of sexual abuse and assault at night, including attacks by wild animals and snake bites (Nepal Fertility Care Center, 2015).

Women’s Health

In Chhaupadi, women face various discriminatory practices (UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator’s Office, 2011). They cannot enter their homes. They have to spend their nights in tiny, unhealthy huts or cowsheds without windows, heat, electricity, or running water. Isolation from family members during menstruation harms women’s health because of the unhygienic environment, fear of sexual abuse, and assault at night, alongside the attack of wild animals and snake bites (Kunwar, 2013; Acharya, 2017; Nour, 2020). New mothers are also confined to cowsheds or huts (Kadariya & Aro, 2015). In addition, cowsheds or huts are not equipped with a mattress and warm blankets, forcing the women to sleep on a rug or a bare floor with sacks as coverings (Amatya et al., 2018).

Women are also barred from consuming milk products and meat because of the belief that giving such food to bleeding women would be punished by the gods, leading to food scarcity (Ranabhat, Kim, Choi, Aryal, Park, & Doh, 2015). This forces women to survive on basic food items, depriving them of nutrition. Moreover, they often engage in hard manual labor outdoors, such as digging, and collecting firewood and grasses, because they are not allowed to step into their houses during menstruation. This situation negatively impacts women’s health and makes them more vulnerable to various health problems including diarrhea, pneumonia, and respiratory diseases (UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator’s Office, 2011).

Chhaupadi harms women’s physical health and causes spiritual suffering (Joshi, 2022). Women are perceived as “impure,” and “unclean,” during the menstruation and postpartum periods (Jun & Jang, 2018). Such prejudices prevent women from participating in family activities, touching male family members, or even trees and plants. In some regions, women are not allowed to read, write, or touch books during their menstrual cycle because “Saraswati” (Goddess of Knowledge) will become angry (UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator’s Office, 2011). These prejudices make them feel insecure, guilty, humiliated, sad, and depressed, and their education is interrupted, increasing discrimination in the long term.

Chhaupadi and Human Rights Violations

Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that, “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” Also, Article 2 states that, “Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.” The World Conference on Women’s Rights, the Beijing Declaration, and the Platform for Action declared that “Women and girls’ human rights are an inalienable, integral, and indivisible part of all human rights and fundamental freedom” (UN Women, 1995). Nepal adopted the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 1995.

The Vienna Declaration and its Program of Action calls for “the eradication of any conflict that may arise between women’s rights and the harmful effects of certain traditional or customary practices, cultural prejudices, and religious extremism’ (UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 1993). Article 12 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal in 2007 ensures the right to equality. The rights to women’s reproductive health are secured in Article 20, while Article 29 (2) mentions that “no one shall be exploited in the name of any custom, tradition, and usage or any manner whatsoever.” Nour (2020) noted that the Nepal Supreme Court banned the practice of Chhaupadi in 2005 because of human rights violations. However, these international laws and Nepal’s internal laws do not effectively control this practice.

Kadariya and Aro (2015) discussed the practice of Chhaupadi in the mid-and far-western regions of Nepal. Their research uses multiple international laws to state the importance of human rights. Although the Government of Nepal outlawed Chhaupadi and condemned it as a breach of international laws and agreements, the tradition is still practiced in many rural areas of the mid-and far-western regions of Nepal. A positive change is happening, as girls and modern families have spoken out against the discriminatory practice of Chhaupadi in urban areas. Moreover, many civil society, non-governmental, community-based, and international organizations are working to reduce the practice of Chhaupadi by raising awareness in rural areas and educating women about menstrual hygiene (Amatya et al., 2018).

The Female Labor Force in Nepal

Table 1 outlines the occupational structure of the active population in rural and urban areas by gender, derived from the 2011 Nepal Population Census (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2014). This indicates that agriculture is by far the largest sector providing employment, especially in rural areas. A total of 79.18% of women in rural areas work in farming, while only 31.29% of those in urban areas do so. For jobs other than agriculture, forestry, and fishing, the percentage of men was higher than that of women. These trends indicate that many women are engaged in agriculture.

Table 1

Percentage Distribution of Employed Population aged 10 or Over by Occupation, Gender, and Place of Residence, 2011

Demographic Characteristics

Table 2 shows the descriptive statistics of the variables that include women aged between 12 and 49 years, which is the general age range for the occurrence of the menstrual cycle in women. (Ranabhat et al., 2015). The average age of women who practice Chhaupadi was 31.02 in rural and 29.58 in urban areas. The average duration of education for rural women was about 2.5 years less than that for urban women. Women’s health status was normal. In addition, the data showed that more than 90% of women practiced Hinduism. The mean value of the independent variable “religion is important” was very high, meaning that people thought religion was essential in their lives. Agricultural income was the primary household income for 44.64% of women in rural areas.

Table 2

Descriptive Statistics

Figure 1 presents the rate at which Chhaupadi is practiced by caste. As can be seen from the line, for three of the castes the practice rate of Chhaupadi was higher than 83%, but the figure for Janajati women is a mere 6.19%, a considerable gap between them and the other castes. This contrast naturally leads us to examine the possible reasons for this.

Figure 1.

Practice Rate of Chhaupadi.Note: Data only includes women aged 12–49.

Farming is one of the main occupations in the Janajati caste. Taking the occupation of the Janajati caste as an entry point, this study included “Agriculture is the main household income” in the regression analysis as female labor is also needed for family farms. Figure 2 shows the contribution of female labor to family farms, showing that the demand for women’s contribution to family farms among the Janajati caste was 15.31%, significantly higher than for the Sudhra, Chhetri, and Brahman castes.

Figure 2.

Demand for female labor on family farms. Note: 1) The data only includes women aged 12–49. 2) This figure describes the demand for three or more female workers on family farms.

Perspectives on the Practice of Chhaupadi

Table 3 presents the mean values of the perspectives of women aged 12–49 regarding Chhaupadi. Q01 suggests that most women think it is unnecessary to practice Chhaupadi, which is especially evident among Janajati. Chhetri are neutral, whereas Brahman are slightly biased in favor of Chhaupadi. Q02 shows that overall women’s understanding of Chhaupadi and traditional, cultural, and religious factors have the greatest influence on women’s practice of Chhaupadi. Women from all castes do not believe that the practices of Chhaupadi are more hygienic (Q03) or economically sensible (Q05). The truth is that women follow the practices of Chhaupadi because it is what people in their castes do (Q04). However, there may be other reasons that lead them to continue this practice. Nowadays, even though women know why menstruation occurs, they continue to practice Chhaupadi (Q07). Most women make sanitary pads and other menstrual products themselves, especially among the Janajati; 90% of women say that the necessary items are homemade (Q08).

Table 3

Mean Value of the Perspective on Practicing Chhaupadi by Caste

Overall, although many people do not favor Chhaupadi, the influence of traditional, cultural, and religious factors is long ingrained. However, the decline in the trend of practicing Chhaupadi for all castes, for various reasons, is notable (Q06).

Main Results

Table 4 presents the differences in Chhaupadi practices based on perceptions of religion, whether agriculture is the main source of income, and in the context of different socioeconomic factors. Table 4 shows four models. Model 1 shows that castes are significantly affected by Chhaupadi. It illustrates that, compared with the Janajati caste, females from other castes (Sudhra, Chhetri, and Brahman) are more likely to have a positive perspective on the practice of Chhaupadi. Model 2 shows that both caste and religious factors significantly affect the practice of Chhaupadi. In addition, more women practice Chhaupadi in the Sudhra, Chhetri, and Brahman castes. Model 2 indicates that a strong belief that religion is essential in their lives is associated with more women practicing Chhaupadi. A stronger belief that religion is important makes women more obedient to religious teachings. Model 3 shows the effect of demand for women in the agricultural labor force on the practice of Chhaupadi. This is a negative coefficient, which means fewer women will practice Chhaupadi when agriculture is the main source of income. Model 4 considers all the variables together, religious factors also had a significant impact on Chhaupadi practices. The “Agriculture is the main household income” factor also remains the same as in Model 3.

Table 4

Regression Results from the Probit Model

To summarize, the empirical analysis indicates that fewer women practice Chhaupadi when agriculture is the main source of household income. While the influence of religion on the practice of Chhaupadi is deeply ingrained, there is a positive effect when more female agricultural laborers are needed or when women perceive agriculture to be their main household income.

Rural and Urban Areas

Table 5 presents the marginal effect of each factor that affects the practice of Chhaupadi in rural and urban areas, respectively. We can see that all castes show a positive and significant impact on the practice. However, we can see that the Chhaupadi implementation rate for Sudhra, Chhetri, and Brahman relative to Janajati is almost twice as high in rural as in urban areas. The influence of religion on the practice of Chhaupadi is not significant in rural areas but is significant in the cities.

Table 5

Regression Results from the Probit Model Based on Rural and Urban Areas

In urban areas, the “agriculture is the main household income” factor shows a negative result, but this is not significant. Arable land is less available in urban than in rural areas and the limited available data produces insignificant results.

Overall, rural areas are mainly agricultural and need the support of a large female labor force. For Janajati women in particular, farm work is not interrupted during menstruation: the percentage of Janajati women practicing Chhaupadi is much different from that of the women of other castes. Even though religion is important to them, its influence is not significant in rural areas, since women are necessary for the labor force. In contrast, the burden of farm work for urbanites is relatively light, and the influence of religion is very deep, which could narrow the gap between Janajati and other castes in the frequency of practicing Chhaupadi.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest.