Women’s Marginalization from Public Spaces

Introduction

Women’s marginalization is still being studied by many researchers and scholars in order to address gender inequality in many aspects of life. Some cases of women’s marginalization among Muslims are related to the issue of hijab, although in some Arab and Muslim countries, hijab is not a symbol of oppression but one of devotion to Islam. Nevertheless, in several Muslim countries, it seems that women are forced to wear hijab. There are also women who are not allowed to drive on the road and are denied education; however, these are exceptional cases (Sloan, 2011). In western countries, there are cases of women being unfairly treated because of their color, religion, ethnicity, and background. Women’s oppression for these reasons has encouraged women to find better ways to integrate in the predominantly white society (Marbley, Wong, Santos-Hatchett, Pratt, & Jaddo, 2011). This is the era in which women are transforming their status from marginalization to resistance.

Meanwhile, in the case of Aceh, we may find other reasons for marginalization among women. Aceh is a unique case in relation to other part of Indonesia. It was a region of conflict for three decades before this was ended with a peace agreement on 15 August 2005 (Wennmann, 2011). The agreement stated that Aceh would remain as one of the states of Indonesia, but unlike other parts of the country, it was given autonomy in administration. Aceh is also the only province in Indonesia that practices Shariah law after a bill stipulating this was passed by the provincial legislature on Monday, 14 September 2009 (Uddin, 2010).

During the era of conflict in Aceh, women－played important roles in many aspects, including the steps that lead to the peace agreement in August 2005. A number of studies and articles are available on this. However, many of these studies have been more concerned with the Acehnese women from an historical perspective, mainly focusing on the theme of the public roles of women in Aceh (Zainuddin, 1961; Said, 1981; Alfian, 1994; Mernissi, 1994; Zengraaff, 1983; Ibrahim, 1996; Talsya, 1982). Most of these publications explain that Acehnese women always had important positions in the governmental system and played greater roles during the Dutch War in Aceh.

Historical studies show that Acehnese women have played important roles since Taj’ al-Alam Safiatuddin (1641-1675) governed the Sultanate of Aceh Darussalam. Indeed, a woman had taken the role as Sultan and governed the Samudra Pasai Kingdom called Nihrasiyah Rawangsa Khadiyu (1400-1428). Indeed, this fact could be read on a grave of one of the Kings of the Samudra Pasai Kingdom (Zainuddin, 1961, p. 52). Furthermore, in the middle of the seventeenth-century, there were four women leaders leading the Aceh Darussalam Kingdom－Sultanah Taj al-Alam Safiyyat al-Din Syah (1641-1675 M), Sultanah Nur al-‘Alam Nakiyyat al-Din Syah (1675-1678 M), ‘Inayat Syah Zakiyyat al-Din Syah (1678-1688 M) and Kamalat Syah (1688-1699 M) (Said, 1981, pp. 377-423).

Moreover, the roles of Acehnese women in public became apparent during the war between the Acehnese people and the Dutch colonial power. During this prolonged struggle, there were occurrences of heroines defending religious values and the nation. In fact, it was shown that women in Aceh were not only involved in the war but were also in positions of command. Cut Nyak Dien was one of the women who fought the Dutch colonialist together with her husband. In historical books, Cut Nyak Dien has been described as a commander with male and female subordinates. During the war, she decided to take on the role of a guerrilla by moving from one jungle to another. She carried on the struggle for years through movement tactics to avoid the Dutch military. At the end, her assistant reported her hiding place to the Dutch. According to Zentgraaff, there were hundreds or even thousands of women who fought against the Dutch military. There was also Pocut Baren, who was an Acehnese woman from the West Coast and known for her vitality among the Acehnese women (Zengraaff, 1983, pp. 111-113).

However, a contradiction has been shown in contemporary contexts in which women in Aceh are not playing significant roles in public spaces, specifically in governmental institutions. Naimah Hasan (2008), in her writing, explains that women at the present time are involved in decision-making (executive), but only to a limited degree. The same also applies to legislative and judicative institutions. In the contemporary context, Acehnese women not only have limited access or opportunity, but also lack strategic positions in any institutions. At the end of 2010, there was an objection from the District House of Representatives towards having a female as a sub district head in Aceh (Srimulyani, 2011).

The facts suggest that the role of women in Aceh has changed, mainly in public spaces, where women have been slowly marginalized in the public sphere compared to previous times. However, there is no fact that shows that women in Aceh have been set back. It has been proven that many women survived the prolonged regional conflict between Jakarta and the Free Aceh Movement for years. In addition, Acehnese women organized a Women’s Congress called Duek Pakat Inong Aceh I. The Duek Pakat Inong Aceh I issued certain recommendations, including that the conflict in Aceh should be solved through negotiation or a peaceful process (Drexler, 2006, p. 166). Acehnese women’s activities in the public arena also significantly improved post tsunami and post conflict in Aceh. Although Acehnese women have campaigned for women’s issues in Law on Governing Aceh [LOGA] and Canons in Legislative Institutions, there are only a limited number of women in legislative positions (Suksi, 2011).

This fact raises the argument that women’s roles and positions in Aceh are marginalized in public spaces, although there is no limitation in carrying out activities and traditions within the community. The success of Acehnese women to accommodate women’s issues in the Law on Governing Aceh [UUPA] and Canons [Local regulations] has been a phenomenon that shows the continuation of women’s roles in public spaces. Therefore, the inability of women to achieve important positions in public is mostly influenced by ideology and government policy as well as by social changes and modernization.

This article aims to explain the contemporary context of Acehnese women by analyzing their roles and positions in the governmental system as well as in other institutions. The discussion intends to learn the factors that have triggered the marginalization of women in public. The context of this discussion starts with the independence of Indonesia. The purpose is to facilitate the analysis of the changes towards Acehnese women post Indonesian Independence, when the ideological and structural changes contributed to women’s participation in public spaces.

Acehnese Women in Governmental Positions

Women’s roles and positions in the governmental system in the contemporary context can be seen from women’s involvement in the political arena and the ability of women to occupy decision-making positions. These aspects are important parts of State. Most of the regulations and public policies were made by people who occupy these positions, and they can affect all the activities of women in public spaces.

Acehnese Women outside of the Governmental System

Acehnese women’s roles outside of the governmental system have been really different from those in the governmental system. Although Aceh has been involved in prolonged civil conflict, women were able to carry out their daily activities. In some areas, women acted as the family leaders for years due to the conflict’s consequences. Indeed, women were also considered as pioneers in promoting peaceful ways for solving the conflict in Aceh.

Acehnese Women and Tyranny

The exclusion of Acehnese women from public spaces was not conclusively committed by a regime in power during the period. In sociological studies, political power is an important element in community life. In its implementation, the power tends to rely on the relationship between influential parties towards others in promoting influences by agreement and force. In general, the highest power in a community is the state. Formally, the state has the right to use the highest power even by force. In addition, normally, the power is carried by a certain small group called the ruling class. This class has the authority and power to maintain support from the people. As a result, the powerful group usually uses authority to keep its power (Soekanto, 2002).

Progressing towards justly controlled or free communities is difficult. The reasons are the differences in thoughts and norms between the regime in power and the controlled people. Thus, the powerful group tends to use certain power channels. There are five important channels applied by a regime in executing the power, namely: military, economic, political, traditional and ideological strategies (Soekanto, 2002, p. 299). Indeed, ideology has been a major instrument in constructing power and political hierarchies (Berman, 1998).

Referring to the above theory, the efforts to limit women’s movements started at the time of the Dutch Colony with the introduction of modern education in Aceh. This campaign had been applied through leadership ideology planted in education. The Dutch Government introduced modern education that led to disharmony among the Acehnese communities. Historical facts show that the strong collaboration between the Ulamas and leaders in Aceh led to struggles with the Dutch. As a result, the Dutch promoted modern education by providing opportunities to the children of the uleebalang [leaders] so they could enjoy education at the established Dutch schools. Therefore, to achieve the goals, education was forced on children in Aceh (Ibrahim, 1978, pp. 136-138).

Consequently, to maintain the Dutch Colony in Aceh, the Dutch set up a modern educational system for the Acehnese in which priority was given to the young people that graduated from the Dutch schools to be state officers and work for the Dutch Government. As a result, those who were able to graduate came from families of traditional leaders. This opened up positions at universities, in the police force, in the state transportation company, and others to the Acehnese.

The establishment of schools for women was also aimed at reducing Acehnese women’s movement in public spaces by introducing education to them regarding women’s skills. To succeed with this purpose, the Dutch Colony sent high-level officers’ wives to promote education and teach Acehnese women. The wives of Dutch officers, such as Mrs Swart (the wife of Governor Swart) and Mgrs. de Nijs (the wife of Resident de Nijs Assistant) contributed to women’s “development and changes in Aceh.” This fact was influenced by the Dutch Colonial interests to control security and order among women in Aceh who were actively involved in the struggle against the Dutch military (Ahmad & Kutoyo, 1984).

After the independence of Indonesia, the policies of the Dutch Colony had limited the women’s spaces in the public; this was followed by the New Order, by applying a concept called state Ibuism (Ibuisme Negara). This concept, state Ibuism, was described in the State Regulations, GBHN (Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara) in 1973, stating that women’s roles were in the families, consisting of guidance for family welfare and children’s education. For this purpose, the women’s rights were guaranteed and protected. At the change in term of the State Regulations after five years, women’s roles had been maintained as family managers for welfare and prosperity.

To support this concept, there were several initiatives to form women’s institutions with the purpose of accommodating women in their roles in domestic activities. In those women’s organizations that were formed with regard to the wives of government officers, women’s roles in public were formulated into five categories－panca dharma wanita [women’s five principles]. They include that women should assist their husband, help with the children’s education, be the households’ economic managers, and also be extra breadwinners (Isnaeniah, 1998).

The role of women as citizens is presented by mothers and wives at home in daily activities. In the New Order regime, mothers and wives were integrated into staffing administration. For example, a governor’s wife, a regent’s wife, a sub district head’s wife, and the head of a village played important roles in implementing development programs for women-related programs. The women development programs were organized along with government programs at the grassroots or community level, mainly for women in rural areas. The main purpose was to campaign for harmony and family welfare (Siapno, 2002).

Thus, the most important purpose of the Ibuism concept was to formulate women’s leadership in the family and in the community. The New Order regime made sure that all government officers would be supporters of the incumbent party during that time. The organization of women into groups or organizations was very effective and most of them led to political campaigns or purposes.

Furthermore, the condition of Acehnese women in the contemporary context was not far from the policies of stakeholders (Central Government) in solving the conflict in Aceh. The implementation of the Red Net Operation policy (Robinson, 1998) and the Military Operation Zone during the Soeharto periods (Sherlock, 2003), including the status of Martial Law during the Megawati Soekarno Putri presidency¹ in resolving the Aceh conflict, influenced the roles of women in communities in Aceh. The facts show that these hard times had burdened most Acehnese women with having to manage their households and families on their own as a consequence of their husbands, boys, or other relatives being involved with the Free Aceh Movement (Nowak & Caulfield, 2008). As a result, many women in Aceh became victims of the conflict during the Military Operation Zone and the Martial Law (UNFPA, 2005).

Acehnese Women in Social Changes

The shifting of Acehnese women’s roles was much more influenced by socio-political factors in Acehnese communities. The changing of the political system in the communities started in the sultanate governmental system, which was part of the colonization that later became part of the Indonesian States. In fact, the role of Acehnese women in the contemporary context should be related to the modernization of Indonesia itself. Modernization was a huge societal transformation through various life aspect changes, including ways of thinking, ways of life, social institutions, and the change of production techniques from traditional to modern (Scott, 2006; Bodgatta & Montgomery, 2000). Indeed, modernization had been a key process of industrial and developmental learning (Andersen & Taylor, 2008).

Modernization, industrialization, and development in Indonesia have caused certain norms and behavioral changes in the community. For Indonesia, there are five external factors that triggered social changes: communication, bureaucracy, capital, technology, and religious ideology. These five factors are not perceived yet as local issues of change. The Indonesian government itself tried to connect any social changes into each regional perspective with a national development framework. The development process was not portrayed as an effort of local communities’ participation in deciding their needs. Therefore, any cases in the community would be similar to each region as the impact of the implementation of the development programme (Salim, 2002).

If we analyze the contemporary context of women in Aceh by using the above theory, bureaucracy is still an influencing factor in exploring women’s roles in public spaces in Aceh. In most cases, women are not able to be decision makers, as they were in the past. Bureaucracy consists of at least three main layers: regulations, procedures, and application. In fact, the bureaucratic activities must be implemented in total in order to improve the educational quality. It has been an important aspect in modern organization that should be rational and objective (Salim, 2002).

In reality, women have been able to take roles or positions in some important positions since there is no discrimination against women in the governmental system in Aceh. However, the facts show that there are still very limited opportunities for women to fill strategic roles.

For example only six percent of the total sixty-nine legislative members at the province level in Aceh are women (Table 1). The number is a bit better at district level with women legislators total up to twenty percent when all the district representatives are taken into account (although notably three of the kabupaten are without women representatives).

Table 1

Women in Legislative Body at District Level of Aceh

Women representation in civil and syari’ah judiciary system is also below thirty percent.

Table 2

Numbers of Women in Judiciary System in Aceh

It is a fact of the bureaucratic system in Indonesia that it is still patriarchal. However, in the past, Acehnese women have had opportunities to take leadership powers due to the Islamic flexibility that was part of the Acehnese community and which did not ban women from power. Moreover, there were some women leaders who received strong support from Ulamas in the past, such as Syaikh Abdurrauf as-Singkil, who was widely known nationally for his intellectual capacity.

In the past, Acehnese women have occupied the position of Sultanah (Queen/Ruler) for nearly 40 years during the early 17^th century, beginning with Taj’ al-Alam Safiatuddin. Additionally, during the war between the Acehnese and the Dutch colonialists, Acehnese women were also involved as part of the revolutionary army and served at the front line as soldiers as well as generals (Reid, 1969).

Closer to home, Aceh traditions mean that women have an immense role at the family level. In their tradition, after marriage, the husband will live with the wife’s family (marriage matrifocality). Even Hurgronje mentioned that the husbands felt like guests when staying with wife’s family (Hurgronje, 1906). Acehnese women were normally actively involved in the family economy to support the family and their children. While men looked for money (mita peng), the women’s role was to look for rice (mita breuh) (Jayawardena, 1977).

In addition, industrialization has been an important power that has introduced a form of new productive organization initiating some adjustments and new norms in societies (Abdullah, 2007). In an agricultural society, the family is the center of production and labor, but in the industrial era, families are consumers of goods and work is based on individual skills and capabilities (Mosse, 2007). For example, a community changes from a traditional agricultural organization that still believes in collective ownership values into a community that adopts professional values and the organization of work, thereby influencing the roles and relationships between men and women in the Acehnese society.

Having a role in a traditional agricultural society does not require a person to have special skills or education. As a result, both men and women may participate in agricultural activities. In the meantime, there are differences between the transitional agricultural community and the industrial community that places more emphasis on aspects of professionalism, such as a diploma or other educational background and experience. However, the access to education is not yet equal for men and women in Aceh.

The most influential aspect of women’s involvement in the professional world is the issue of childbearing. Due to the influence of the capitalist system that believes childbearing to be a liability for women to be able to work in public spaces, this issue has been a reason for many companies to pay lower salaries to women compared to men. This is different, as in traditional communities (agricultural) the childbearing factor is not considered a problematic issue (Srimulyani & Inayatillah, 2009). From these elaborations, it becomes clear that the problematic issues for contemporary Acehnese women are not similar to those in the past.

Conclusion

The roles and positions of Acehnese women in public spaces in the contemporary context have changed compared to the past. Presently, Acehnese women have fewer opportunities and are less involved in the governmental bureaucracy. This aspect has been used as an indicator to measure the current standard of Acehnese women. However, in many aspects, women in Aceh have shown progress and changes compared to the past. Ironically, during the prolonged conflict in Aceh, women played significant roles for years. They became the breadwinners, supporting their families, as well as dead body collectors, and even negotiators for their societies and families. Unfortunately, also, in many cases, women became the victims. Moreover, Acehnese women were the first to initiate the peaceful resolution of the conflict in Aceh. However, when the peace negotiations were conducted, not a single woman was invited to participate in the negotiations. It is also true that after the peace deal was signed, women’s activities in public spaces were again similar to before. In some advanced schemes, some women have been able to initiate and campaign for women’s issues to be regulated and admitted through formal governmental laws [Canon], although women representatives are still not significantly represented in the local parliament of Aceh.

This fact shows that, in reality, Acehnese women have not stepped backwards, since Acehnese women have been involved in many change processes in the past. The inability of women to participate in the governmental system or in the bureaucracy was influenced by governmental ideology, which is much more patriarchal. This ideology has resulted in many Acehnese women being marginalized through governmental regulations and policies. In addition, modernization and development have also had serious effects on social changes in Aceh for decades, which have led to women’s development initiatives being largely ignored. In short, the government policies and modernization have triggered the factors towards the marginalization of Acehnese women from public spaces.

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